Dr. Frederick Kissoon is a lecturer in the Department of Government and International Afairs, University of Guyana.
THEORIZING
WITH FREDDIE KISSOON The failure of the Buxton Conspiracy Part I - Voodoo Political Theory IS the Buxton conspiracy over? Troy Dick is the only member of ‘Ocean Eleven’ alive today. Ocean Eleven was the combination of the five escapees joined by six other diehard Buxton-based conspirators that included Vibert Cambridge, who helped to burn down the house of Idris Chester and Melroy Goodman, who burned Haroon Rasheed alive at Non-Pariel. Ocean Eleven, of course, became larger with every passing day. Most of the members of the Buxton conspiracy are young men between the ages of 14 and 22. There are some even as young as twelve! They normally help to create confusion by robbing minibuses but they do not carry guns. Since the February jailbreak, a certain former army officer has been recruiting these youngsters. A large question mark hangs over the future of the Buxton conspiracy now that a majority of the senior members of this unusually savage criminal group have been killed. This series traces the origin of the Buxton conspiracy, examines how it started, how it operated, who sustained it, why it lasted for almost a year, why it operated with the impunity it did, why it killed its victims with such bestial sadism, and why is it about to collapse. I would like to say many thanks at the beginning of this series to members of the security forces, some of the people I know who still live in Buxton, and some of my colleagues in the media community whose interaction with me enabled me to put the pieces together. What is about to unfold in this analysis is frightening. Never has something like this happened in the world before. And if there is anything readers should know about the Buxton conspiracy it is the frightening merger of criminality and politics. Some people, particularly in the WPA (and if you read Clive Thomas’ recent columns in Stabroek News, a similar angle is there), take the view that the state in Guyana condones some dubious type of activities by dubious characters. While one can argue that hard, concrete, tangible evidence needs to come out so commentators can comment on this accusation, the glaring fact, the incontrovertible fact, remains that a group of seasoned criminals with no scruples or remorse in raping innocent women, robbed and killed people savagely because of their ethnicity. Such bestiality was interpreted by a not so small percentage of opposition people and members of the Afro-Guyanese community as legitimate political action. What this revealed is the extent of opposition emotional anger against the state and how that anger has been sold to its constituencies. This article is not about that dimension of the politics of this divided land but about how that disunity gave rise to a social pathology that almost destroyed Guyana but didn’t, thanks in part to the American government. I said above that the Buxton conspiracy is a phenomenon that has no parallel in Caribbean history and as the series unfolds the reader will come to see why. But let’s briefly back up this point. In Grenada, you had the New Jewel Movement; in Trinidad the National Union of Freedom Fighters (NUFF) and the Muslimeen sect; in Guyana, the WPA and the PPP. In these countries, violence was used against the state because the state was seen as oppressive. But in every instance, the violence was based on political theory that had liberation of the poor and the oppressed as the goal, and the membership of all these groups were highly politically conscious humans whose political praxis was worthy of emulation. In the case of the WPA in Guyana, a multi-racial platform was the axis on which the movement revolved. NUFF in Trinidad was eliminated by the security forces. In Guyana, the WPA was decimated by the Burnham regime with the movement devastated by the assassination of its leader, Walter Rodney. In Grenada, the New Jewel Movement came to power and in Trinidad, the Muslimeen were tried for treason and freed. The Buxton conspiracy has nothing in common with these movements. It is a desecration of political theory and revolutionary philosophy to classify the Buxton conspiracy as a political movement. But this is where the situation becomes complicated. When Tacuma Ogunseye ragingly replied to me elsewhere and asserted that the Buxton conspiracy was an armed resistance, he wasn’t just propagandizing. The Buxton conspiracy did indeed commit acts of political violence as when it stormed Nathoo’s beer garden and indiscriminately shot to death four persons and no robbery was done. And when it attacked the PPP congress in Port Mourant! But these isolated acts of political violence need special and separate analysis because the motive that drove the members of Ocean Eleven to attack these symbols of state power was not purely political. Intelligence that I have been given suggests that only one of these assaults was planned, that is, the Port Mourant invasion. The Nathoo massacre was an after-thought by members of Ocean Eleven who had committed a murder in Campbellville. One member of the group said, “Let’s pass by Nathoo and kill some of dem PPP people!” The difference with the WPA under Burnham and the Buxton conspiracy is the difference between Mahatma Ghandi and a Serbian war crime killer. Under Burnham, both the WPA and the PPP were alleged to have committed acts of violence. But in no instance was their motive driven by a group of teachers who were political morons. In the case of the Buxton conspiracy, the people who were teaching members of Ocean Eleven the arts of politics were feeding them with voodoo political theory. These persons know nothing about Guyanese history, the political sociology of this country and how to define oppression. It is frightening what the violent youths of Buxton were educated in. They were told the most untruthful things about the government, the
business class and the East Indian community. One night five youths,
including “Chip Teeth”, who was recently killed in Buxton along with
Romel Reman, left Buxton and went up to Mocha. While in Mocha, they
said, “Let’s go and burn down some coolie gas station.” They then
went to TWO BROTHERS at Eccles and tried to torch it. Then they came to
Georgetown and tried to burn a Portuguese owned gas station at the
corner of Camp and New Market Streets and which has some close
connection to one of the leaders in the REFORM wing of the PNC/R. These
youths were being taught by men who were politically ignorant, extremist
and essentially racist. The voodoo theory they taught the Buxton
conspiracy was simply the language of self-destruction. Who were these
teachers? We discuss them and their role in the February jail break in
part two tomorrow.
THEORIZING WITH FREDDIE KISSOON
Cult murders have an ideological underpinning and for this reason, hate, passion and energy are involved when violence is being applied. The perpetrator is sending a message when he/she kills and is living out his/her ideological beliefs. Normal criminal killings lack this theoretical tone, thus the factor of psychotic impulse is not there. A robber invades a dwelling house and rape, plunder and kill and escapes. Victims usually die because they are either stubborn, aggressive or can identify the attacker. When violence is ethnically motivated, it descends to the level of the beast and the atrocity of the murders has uncivilized instincts. A careful examination of all ethnic warfare in history reveals a pattern of horrible, bloodthirsty sadism. People are killed in the most horrific ways that no normal human being can look at without wanting to have some subsequent counseling. The cases are too numerous to mention but recent examples are Rawanda, Sierre Leone, and Bosnia. We return to the perennial contradiction when analyzing the perverted escapades of Ocean Eleven and its extend network of Buxtonian criminals. If the Buxtonian killers were social misfits who rape, rob and kill, then why the need to discuss their activities within the sociological theory of political violence? I hope my elucidation here puts a final end to this paradox. And that is that Ocean Eleven was (I hope not “is”) both a criminal and political outfit. Surely this needs explanation. Two compellingly politicized organizations controlled Ocean Eleven. One was the Georgetown based Black extremist, lunatic fringe. Most readers know who they are but we cannot list their names here for obvious reasons. One day outside of Royal Castle restaurant inside of a car, Philip Bynoe, in a friendly tone, yelled out to me: “Freddie, I’m not hearing from you.” I replied that I was not hearing from him. Bynoe advised me to wait and I would see what’s coming. I saw it, indeed. And wrote about it, and still writing about it. The other group was the Tshaka Blair- led PLM. The extremist group and the PLM saw in Ocean Eleven political usefulness. Ocean Eleven had no time for the political plans and vision of the two organizations. Here is where an interesting interaction occurred. The extremist cabal and the PLM saw the damage Ocean Eleven could do to help weaken the state. On the other hand, Ocean Eleven needed the political platform that these two political groups provided. It is in this sense that Ocean Eleven’s activities had a political meaning to it. Another political dimension to Ocean Eleven was the ideological training it received from the PLM and the extremist group. I need to mention something here before I forget and the series ends: One of the most peculiar occurrences in political life in the history of this country relates to Tacuma Ogunseye and a certain talk-show host. This talk-show host was the principal witness at the trial of Tacuma Ogunseye in Burnham times. He was jailed for three years and his mother was dragged and humiliated before the courts. I will never forgive this talk-show host for this degradation of Ogunseye’s mother (now deceased). Both Ogunseye and this talk-show host turned up in Buxton as lecturers to the PLM and Ocean Eleven. Life is indeed strange and unpredictable. The cruelty of Ocean Eleven eventually alienated the villagers who sheltered them and we will come to this part when we look at the eventual collapse of the movement. For now, an explanation is needed as to the reason for the ferocious and untamed violence they heaped on their Indian victims. The primitive descent of Ocean Eleven, when killing, had two sources - one chemical, the other ideological. Members of the Buxton madness would smoke up their marijuana and cocaine before they went out to rob and kill. Eyewitnesses told me that the “Chip Teeth”-led gang that tried to burn down two gas stations were “totally stoned” and their eyes were redder than red. At the Shell gas station at Camp and New Market Streets, one child soldier kept scratching and throwing the matches on the pump but the matches would not light. A trembling hand and imbalanced mind due to narcotic inhalation saved North Georgetown. Gang members would come at nights and smoke up on the railway embankment in front of the villagers. The police were banned from the village and Buxton was an East Coast enclave owned by savage criminals. My students told me, Buxtonians would pass the escapees “liming” openly, smoking and “digging” their music. The night of the morning before he died, Dale Moore and a certain lawyer with aspiration to lead a major political party and who pays not even a cent in taxes was conspicuously sporting on the embankment; it was Dale Moore’s birthday. He was drunk when he left Sunday morning for Lamaha Gardens to resume negotiations with Bramma. He died less than fifteen minutes afterwards. At this point I want to offer an apology to Raphael Trotman. In a series on the escapees for Kaieteur News, I alluded to “this lawyer” and it could have pointed in the direction of Mr. Trotman, for whom I have deep respect and who will one day lead the PNC. He is a positive emergence in Guyanese politics. The drugged child soldiers were wild when they killed Indians. A kidnapped victim was repeatedly sodomized, and carvings were made in his flesh with two hunting knives before he died. GINGA was tortured and the post-mortem showed he was stomped upon with volcanic force. GINGA was an old man. The handicapped Haroon Rasheed screamed as he ran out the house on flames. They followed him out of the house and poured more kerosene on him. Ocean Eleven had a particular habit when they killed Indian businessmen. They liked to use AK 47 on their victims’ faces. The ideological dimension of the violence needs no explanation. Ocean Eleven lived out the history lessons that they were taught by the extremist cabal. The Buxtonian invaders disliked Indians to the bone. The hatred had a Nazi-like instinct. The anti-Indian teachings were Hitlerite in their madness. On High Street, a disenchanted member of the PLM said: “Freddie, ah never see so much ignorant people yet.” The anti-Indian indoctrination had four aspects: (1) Indian people have taken Guyana from Blacks who built it, (2) Indian people are keeping a racist government in power, (3) Indian people have all the wealth, Blacks have none, (4) the crazy Keane Gibson theory of a secret plan to exterminate Blacks in Guyana. From February 2002, Ocean Eleven killed Indians mercilessly. The score sheet is too frightening to look at. THEORIZING WITH FREDDIE KISSOON The causes for the long life of Buxtonian terror fall into two categories - the mundane and the logistical. Let’s start with the first one first. By mundane, we mean the ordinary elementary causes. These would include lack of police resources. At the time of the jailbreak, the police lacked both adequate armoury and physical resources like heavy weaponry, armoured vehicles and sophisticated, electronic monitoring devices. It is a plausible response to say that had these facilities been at the disposal of the GPF, maybe the carnage would have stopped before it lived on for fifteen months. For example, the state-of-the-art computer that the men at Good Hope had is basic to crime fighting in the modern world. What this equipment does is that it inhales the transmitting signals coming from cellular phones. It then enables the police to locate where the signals are. In the case of Buxton, in the late evenings, there would be meetings deep in the Gulf where residential houses are sparse. Who then would be sending out signals so later in such a deserted area in Buxton? It seems that the security forces have overcome some technical limitations in their crime fighting in Buxton. But media responsibility prevents further discussion on this subject. Under the classification of mundane factors we can also include the demoralization of the society and this included state, security forces and civil society. I have already dealt with the broken spirit of the GPF, especially the Black Clothes, during the killing spree. But the business class was a scared community just a month ago. Ocean Eleven took full advantage of the depressed life of the Guyanese society to further continue their journey of destruction. The logistical cause holds a wider, though not exactly superior, exposition as to why Ocean Eleven lasted so long. We can subsume political factors under this heading and we start with this interpretation of the political nuance in comprehending the Buxton madness. When Douglas appeared on television, it would be foolish and dishonest on the part of any social researcher to deny that there wasn’t sympathy among members of the Afro-Guyanese community for what this jail escapee said he was fighting for. Andrew Pollard, a lawyer with the law firm of Hughes, Fields and Stoby, defended the airing of the tape in a reply to Kit Nascimento. He based his position of the right to free speech. Andrew Pollard must be admired for his open stand which is what I respect in people. And though I didn’t agree with his legal dispute with Nascimento, I respect Pollard for what he did. There are those who would have said the same thing but hide behind a fictitious name. I hope Pollard doesn’t take this personally. It should not be. But Pollard’s position was symbolic of the way many Afro-Guyanese saw Andrew Douglas. I would like to make it clear here and say unambiguously that nothing I have written about the WPA, PNC and ACDA points towards support for Ocean Eleven. I have repeatedly used the concept of the Buxton conspiracy which included the Black extremist fringe and the Buxtonians Ogunseye constantly refers to as “the resistance.” My sources tell me that “the resistance” calls itself the PLM. You don’t need twelve doctorates from Harvard to know that there was a not so hidden sympathy for “the resistance” by organizations I referred to. Intelligence sources also told me that at private meetings of these organizations, there was open support for what I call the Buxton factor. When Hoyte went to address Buxton, he said there were no criminals there and their struggle was just. He was referring to the Buxton conspiracy that included the extremist cabal and the PLM. It was this political support that made the police work harder in fighting the Buxtonian criminal enterprise. The talk-show hosts were unapologetic in support of Ocean Eleven. The African villages up the East Coast took their cue from these TV personalities and politicians. This gave a tremendous boost to the psychology of Ocean Eleven. Ocean Eleven was emboldened by the political support they got in the wider Guyanese society.
It is important to understand how this kind of localized popular support further galvanizes the criminals to act with greater boldness. People told me that when Dale Moore and Mark Fraser were killed, some people in the ministries had a maudlin look on their faces and the talk-show hosts for that day were personification of lugubrious creatures. No society can stop criminal rampage if murderous robbers have that level of societal encouragement. As the series go on we will contrast the present situation with that six months ago to show how successful crime fighting can become when the security forces have the community on its side. Two other logistical weakness made Ocean Eleven fertilize continuously. One is lack of intelligence gathering which will be dealt with another time. The other was the terrain Ocean Eleven operated in. It is easy to hide in an environment where the houses are within touching distance of each other and the village is compact and dense. If anyone wants to understand how difficult it was to confront Ocean Eleven in Buxton, they should see the movie, BLACK HAWK DOWN, which is based on the true story of a contingent of American marines who went into a specific area in Mogadishu (capital of Somalia) to capture a warlord named Adeed. The mission failed and was aborted. The marines couldn’t flush out Adeed for the same reason the GPF couldn’t go into Buxton and confront Ocean Eleven. Ocean Eleven’s modus operandi followed military guidelines. Because
of how the village is situated, entry is recorded by secretly hidden
lookouts who used transmitting sets. Of course this comes back to the
lack of modern equipment by the GPF. When GPF members cross the railway
embankment to get to the Gulf, members of Ocean Eleven would be watching
them from normal houses that the police never dreamt had hidden
escapees. This logistical advantage cost the lives of a number of
outside fighters who went in to take on Ocean Eleven. They were sitting
ducks PART SIX - The truth cannot be denied even by the strongest supporter of the government that since February a dragon of crime spewing fire burnt a lot of bodies, hearts and minds. The morbid dimension of the cancer was the ease with which the criminals killed. The deputy head of CANU stops to buy a newspaper, then, bang, he’s dead. Inspector October stops to buy ice cream, then, bang, he’s dead. A policeman at Sophia walks out of his yard, then, bang, he’s dead. A detective turns into Arapaima restaurant, then, bang, he’s dead. A car dealer turns up for work, then, bang, he’s kidnapped. A diplomat relaxes on the golf course, then, bang, he’s abducted. And the story goes on... And the story was about men who could walk up to you and just kill you, and that’s it. There would be no arrest. But the other side of this coin was that Guyana was not engulfed in criminal flames that threatened to burn the country down. While Ocean Eleven was marauding on the East Coast, expatriate Guyanese businessmen went about their explorations in Berbice, the people of Essequibo searched on their maps to find Buxton, and the cowboys created a sensation at the Rupununi rodeo. The food at Pegasus and Hotel Tower was still served. Big splashes still occurred every Sunday at Splashmins, and West Indian test cricketers found Bourda a batting paradise. The question then was this: why didn’t the Buxton conspiracy after 15 months of a relentless drive spread its tentacles and move in for the final assault - the collapse of the state? Before we explain the variables that rendered such an outcome improbable, I would like to tell you a little story that did not cause even a ripple in Guyana but has large significance for understanding the failure of the Buxton conspiracy. Now let’s not cross our wires, and let me be careful with my analytical outlay. I did say in one of the installments that there were forms of sympathy for the Buxton conspiracy among Black villagers along the coast. But one has to qualify this. And this is where opposition figures, talk-show hosts and some television news editors got it completely wrong. Afro-Guyanese citizens saw in Buxton a rebellion against what they perceived was an Indianized government. But there was no cultural acceptance by Afro-Guyanese of the crime methods. We will come to discuss the final alienation after Afro-Guyanese saw Black policeman and Black taxi drivers being killed like mosquitoes. What African villagers resented was police action in their village. And this should not have been read as a signal of support for Ocean Eleven by political parties and anti-PPP critics. But that is what they did. Many East Coast villages sheltered criminals when the police went after them for two reasons. One was, they didn’t want to encourage police incursions into their villages for it to become a pattern like Buxton. Then, they didn’t know that the hunted were criminals. The villagers had this ideology that the GPF was out to get Black youths, a belief reinforced by the daily dose of anti-police venom that the talk-show hosts and the ACDA-sponsored TV magazine AFRICAN PERSPECTIVE brewed. A good example of this false or misplaced consciousness was the Melroy Goodman shooting in Bachelor’s Adventure. As the police chased Goodman, the villagers taunted the men in uniform. After Goodman fell mortally wounded, villagers screamed into Prime News camera that Goodman was an innocent guy. They didn’t know that his fingerprints were at the scene of a horrible robbery at Non-Pareil late one evening that left people murdered and raped. Neither did they know that a shooting incident over drugs in which Goodman was involved left a 17-year-old dead and Goodman was the prime suspect. The villagers of Melanie Damishana were shocked when they woke up one day and read that two men were killed by the police in Nandy Park in the vicinity of the Demerara Harbour Bridge. It was two of their own that, in their wildest imagination, they never would have thought would rob a gas station with blazing guns. The reputed wife of one of the dead men told reporters that her husband left that night to visit a friend. Indeed, he went visiting but with gun in hand, robbery in mind, and an intent to kill. We come now to the long-awaited story. It happened in Victoria. But bear with me as I digress again - but I am still in Victoria. When Vibert Cambridge was cornered in a house in this village and shot dead by the police, Victorians were upset. Another one bites the dust. But Victorians did not know that the police had wanted Cambridge for the murder of detective Harry Kooseram and arson on the dwelling place of Idris Chester and attempted murder of Idris Chester and her family. However, when the Victorians did recognize a criminal in their village, they acted ferociously. I now come to the long-awaited story. In the early hours of the morning, villagers noticed a suspicious character in the village. They gave chase. He hid in a muddy trench and was eventually caught. He was not armed. He did not have weapons of any kind. He had no large stash of cash. He was a petty thief. The villagers gave him a chance to explain himself. He alibi was not sensible enough for the angry villagers. They suspected he was a “thief man.” Anger gave way to fury, when his explanation for being in the village was proven false. Now here is a side to this story that the press did not report but which a villager that I have known since I was a teenager told me and backed up by a UG worker. As the blows reined down on him, he told them he was from Buxton. This is when the poor soul signed his death warrant. He felt that any citizen of Buxton would have aroused a sympathetic inquiry. They didn’t bother to hold him until daybreak to check his story. He was a predator in their eyes and they beat him to death. I didn’t agree with that. I was giving a ride to a UG worker who was attending the party for the delegates at the Inter-Guiana Conference in Pere Street, Kitty, and I brought up the manner of his death since this guy lived in Victoria. He didn’t agree with killing the man but his position was that Victoria is a peaceful village without any hatred for people of any race, and he wanted it to stay that way. The “thief man” had to die because he was bringing Buxton to Victoria. We see clearly here the political meaning of this story. Its analytical importance is that African villagers did not endorse the criminal venture of Ocean Eleven
THEORIZING WITH FREDDIE
KISSOON
THE FAILURE OF THE BUXTON CONSPIRACY PART VII - CONCLUSION: SUNSHINE ON THE OCEAN We conclude this examination of the Buxton phenomenon that dates from the Mash Day jail break last year to the death by the security forces of Shawn Brown in Prashad Nagar three weeks ago. We look today at the particular factors that led to the break-up of the Buxton conspiracy. This long event in Guyana’s life cannot be easily documented in seven newspaper columns. The nuances, dimensions, complexities, inexplicabilities, implications are too many. This chapter in the life of this country exposed all the vulnerabilities of this poor, troubled post-colonial state. An analysis of Buxton is best analyzed in an academic paper. Such a thesis will be presented to a conference on the Caribbean in the first half of next year. The facts and explanations that were compressed or omitted in this series will be fully incorporated in that paper. Readers will then be offered a more sustained critique of the Buxton conspiracy. We
can list the following factors that eventually led to the collapse of
the movement in that once proud African village. They are not
enumerated in any prioritized order. One
- the criminal nature of the venture doomed it from the beginning.
African Guyanese did initially support the overt political intentions
of Andrew Douglas and company but as the robberies and murders hurt
people’s conscience, mental revulsion stepped in. A majority of
African Guyanese are devoted churchgoers and it was impossible to hear
the gospel each week and approve weekly robberies. It is improbable
that a population would support a liberation movement that robs and
rapes in its name. There is no way the Tamil and Palestinian
communities would support criminals who masquerade as freedom
fighters. Two
- the mounting death toll among African Guyanese became a confusing
maze in the minds of Black people. Even if there was some measure of
support for the craziness that Buxton had committed against Indian
people, African Guyanese were jolted by the brutal, senseless murders
of poor Blacks. How do you tell an ethnic community you are fighting
its enemies but you are killing your own? The gunning down of the
teenage traffic cop, Quincy James, with fourteen bullets pumped into
him by members of Ocean Eleven that included Shawn Gittens and Mark
Phillips (Big Batty) at the corner of King and Regent Streets perhaps
was the turning point. I knew James and attended the parlour service.
There were curious onlookers from Wortmanville and Werk-en-Rust and
there was an outpouring of sympathy for James. Each week saw crying
families of dead taxi drivers and murdered policemen on television
denouncing the Buxton madness. This was a far cry from the initial
fervour that greeted Andrew Douglas’ television debut. Three
- the two phantom groups created panic among Ocean Eleven, the PLM and
their Georgetown-based extremist, lunatic fringe. If an analyst wanted
to gauge the extent to which the phantom groups were doing damage to
Ocean Eleven, they had to monitor the talk-show hosts. Each day, they
lambasted the phantoms and raged against them. Anyone could have seen
that this was because the phantom was doing harm to the Buxtonian
criminals that the talk-show hosts were friends with and the phantoms
became hate figures for these TV personalities. The first phantom was
an auxiliary unit of a businessman with dubious connections and
reputed to be a don. Why would Ocean Eleven take on the Costa nostra
was because of the crazy, macho teachers they had. Only one force in
the contemporary world has been able to defeat or confront the mafia
and that is the state security force. In places like the US, Italy,
the UK, Columbia, Northern Island, criminal gangs do not win their
battles with the dons. Ocean Eleven hadn’t the manpower, armoury,
electronic gadgets and money to fight the phantom after their don was
kidnapped. It was a mismatch. When the local phantoms suffered some
casualties, they brought in mercenaries from Trinidad. If the Buxton
conspiracy didn’t evaporate, we probably would have seen Sri Lankan,
South African and US-based Russian mercenaries in Buxton. Those who
are interested in seeing what the US-based Russian mercenaries are
like should see the Denzil Washington hit movie - TRAINING DAY. The
other phantom was inevitable. If you have a group of rich businessmen
with billions of dollars in wealth why would they continue to hide
under their beds for fear of being kidnapped when they can take a
small percentage of that, buy state of the art equipment, pay big
bucks to mercenaries, and simply take the fight to you. The two
phantom squads had literally broken the back of Ocean Eleven though
they didn’t clear them out completely. What the phantoms did was to
instigate a network of converters and informers. This led to
widespread confusion in Buxton. In Buxton, no one knew who was who.
You could have lost your life by someone having a personal grudge and
simply yelled out that you are a “Bramma man” and you would be
dead. Brian Hamilton of Hamilton gas station met his death that way.
The rumours were spreading like Australian wildfires Martin Carter’s
poetry became Buxton’s swan song - everyone was involved, everyone
was consumed. Four
- political space needed to fight Ocean Eleven and the PLM came
through two avenues. The first was the PNC’s alienation from Buxton
with the killing of Brian Hamilton. In Hamilton, the PNC lost a good
friend, and they were annoyed. As a spin-off from this, a prominent,
influential city lawyer was indeed very angry because he was very
close to Hamilton. Once the major opposition groups came out against
the Buxtonian violence, then the cause lost moral support among Afro-Guyanese
villagers. The second avenue was in the form of the joint communiqué
signed by Corbin and Jagdeo. This was a cemented pact whereby
governance of Guyana would transmit impulses of accountability and
transparency and embrace concessions to the opposition. In such a
democratic opening, it was virtually impossible for any major force to
continue to see Buxton as a pressure point to force government’s
hand. Finally,
the kidnapping of American diplomatic personnel, Stephen Lesniak was
indeed a turning point. One tragic mistake of Ocean Eleven was the
kidnapping of businessman, Nandalall aka Bramma. But the disaster was
the abduction of Mr. Lesniak. Why would the American government sit
back and allow its chief security official in a small, poor country to
be humiliated? The Americans would have reacted with rage if that had
happened in a country where they don’t even have enough leverage
much less in a state that they control. The Americans simply told
government, opposition and security forces that they want Buxton
cleaned up, that it can be done, and it must be done because if not,
the Americans were going to flex its muscles in ways that would have
extreme consequences for Guyana’s future. All parties agreed that
Buxton must now be fought against and be retaken. That is what
happened. And Guyanese can now look up in the skies and see the moon
on their face and the sun’s reflection on the Atlantic Ocean. Normal
life has returned. JUNE 28, 2003 |